Crisis of the West

Rethinking the West: Security, Economy, and Geopolitical Realignment
In a world marked by rising instability, the Western alliance is undergoing a profound transformation. From the erosion of Cold War-era nuclear deterrence to ideological shifts in economic policy, both Europe and the United States are navigating a complex new global order.
For decades, the U.S. ensured European and Asian security through an extended nuclear deterrent. Today, that strategy is faltering. Russia’s aggressive posturing, China’s military expansion, Iran’s ambitions, and disruptive technologies are all contributing to renewed nuclear insecurity. President Trump’s scepticism toward NATO has revived old fears about U.S. disengagement, forcing Europe to consider autonomous security strategies—developed in cooperation with researchers, policymakers, and civil society.
As Christoph Heusgen notes, the classical Cold War "West" is dissolving. The U.S. is stepping back from its leadership role, while Europe remains anchored to democratic principles and the rule of law. This realignment is paving the way for new alliances—such as an "Alliance of Multilateralism"—with like-minded nations like Canada and Australia.
U.S. conservative thought is also shifting. Oren Cass, founder of American Compass, argues for an economic policy centered on the working citizen — supporting tariffs, re-industrialization, vocational training, and labor unions. His ideas depart from GOP free-market orthodoxy and resemble European social democracy more than Reaganomics.
A fresh analysis of the Trump presidency, grounded in the Elite Quality Index (EQx2025), suggests that institutional change is increasingly driven by intra-elite competition among tech, finance, energy, and education sectors. These elite shifts raise a critical question: are we creating sustainable value, or merely extracting it?
The European Union is also rethinking its role. Facing war in Ukraine, technological dependency, and internal weaknesses, the EU's "Competitiveness Compass" aims to boost investment, reduce bureaucracy, and strengthen supply chains. Yet this strategy risks clashing with traditional EU values such as sustainability, human rights, and free trade.
Finally, Trump’s tariff-focused trade policy has drawn criticism. Economist Martin Wolf argues that tariffs may reduce the trade deficit but harm productivity and investment. A smarter strategy? Channel cheap capital into high-value, tradable sectors—benefiting both the U.S. and the global economy.
As the geopolitical and economic landscape continues to shift, the West must reinvent itself—strategically, institutionally, and ideologically.

Book

Tomas Casas-Klett: Towards an Elite Theory of Economic Development: An Inquiry into Sustainable Value Creation (2025)

As we described our work on the publisher’s website: Institutions, the humanly devised constraints of economic activity, are outcomes of elite agency. Leveraging ideas from economics, sociology, politics, and strategic management, this book proposes an “elite theory of economic development”. The overarching goal is to foster sustainable value creation at the elite business model level. This work also aims to contribute to transformational leadership, and links are made to the annual Elite Quality Index (EQx), a measure of the value creation of national elites.

Book

Philip Manow: (De)Democratisation of Democracy (2020)

This book is the optimistic counterpart to Levitsky and Ziblatt, somewhat more demanding but also more original. Manow shows how democracy has become both more open and more vulnerable: more people are participating directly, while traditional institutions are losing their binding force. Many of today's crises arise from internal tensions between participation and representation. The book thus helps to understand the current transformation of democracy not only as decline, but also as the result of ambivalent changes.

Book

Daron Acemoglu / James Robinson: Why Nations Fail. The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty (2012)

To better grasp the broader aims of elite theory, it is worth taking a look at the now-classic work by Noble Prize winners. Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson link inclusive institutions to prosperity.

Book

Steven Levitsky / Daniel Ziblatt: How Democracies Die (2018)

You don't necessarily have to share the pessimism of this book to recognise its significance. Levitsky and Ziblatt argue that today's democracies are hardly ever destroyed by coups, but rather by the creeping erosion of democratic norms. The book contrasts current developments in the USA with the Weimar Republic and authoritarian tendencies in Latin America, thereby sharpening our focus on the specific situation of democracy in the present day.

Book

European Commission: The Future of European Competitiveness (2025)

Europe is another focus of elite theory which examines the performance of its elite system. There is no stronger diagnosis of the continents’ challenges than Mario Draghi’s report, "The Future of European Competitiveness" (2024) that benchmarks Europe against China and the United States.

Book

Vipin Narang / Scott D. Sagan: The Fragile Balance of Terror. Deterrence in the New Nuclear Age (2023)

"The Fragile Balance of Terror", edited by Vipin Narang and Scott D. Sagan, brings together a diverse collection of rigorous and creative scholars who analyze how the nuclear landscape is changing for the worse.

Book

Alexis de Tocqueville: De la démocratie en Amérique (1835/1840)

Anyone who wants to understand the history of democracy, the history of America and the history of the 19th century in a good way will find a wealth of inspiration in this book. Tocqueville was an aristocrat without reactionary airs and graces who analysed the French Revolution and American democracy with critical distance – and in doing so understood them in a good way compared to most of the actors involved. His book on democracy in America is one of the most important classics of modern democratic theory.

Podcast

Martin Wolf: The Economics Show

Unfortunately, not me but Martin Wolf, the Chief Economics Commentator at the Financial Times, talks to Kenneth Rogoff about Donald Trump's trade policy, the future of the dollar, and what this means for other currencies.

Book

Kenneth Rogoff: Our Dollar, Your Problem (2025)

Harvard Professor Kenneth Rogoff demonstrates that the dollar’s decline began before Trump.

Book

Annie Jacobsen: Nuclear War. A Scenario (2024)

Up to now, no one outside of official circles has known exactly what would happen if a rogue state launched a nuclear missile at the Pentagon. Second by second and minute by minute, these are the real-life protocols that choreograph the end of civilisation as we know it. Based on dozens of new interviews with military and civilian experts, "Nuclear War" by Annie Jacobsen is at once a compulsive non-fiction thriller and a powerful argument that we must rid ourselves of these world-ending weapons for ever.

Book

Jill Lepore: If Then. How the Simulmatics Corporation Invented the Future (2020)

This is a fascinating book that sheds light on early attempts to predict the future using data-driven forecasts and models – long before big data and social media dominated our lives. Jill Lepore takes us on a journey through the history of the Simulmatics Corporation, which in the 1960s attempted to control society through data analysis – first from 5th Avenue in New York for commercial marketing, then in the 1960 election campaign for John F. Kennedy, and at one point even in the Vietnam War. Their story impressively shows how technological developments and early forms of data analysis influenced the political landscape and continue to change our understanding of democracy and power to this day. But it also shows where the limits of the technologisation of democracy lie.

Podcast

Demis Hassabis / Lex Fridman: Future of AI, Simulating Reality, Physics and Video Games (2025)

Demis Hassabis, CEO of Google DeepMind and Nobel Prize laureate, in conversation with Lex Fridman. One central focus of contemporary elite theory is artificial intelligence (AI), as emerging elites redefine the political economy. To understand the nature of the technology ahead, give it a listen.

Series

Yellowstone

"We're steeped in liberal culture" – many conservatives claim that we are saturated with left-wing liberal culture. They say that everything, from films and television to music, is ‘woke’ and ‘out of touch’. However, some productions are particularly successful in reaching conservative audiences. The neo-Western series "Yellowstone", starring Kevin Costner, tells stories about family ties, loyalty, resistance to the state, the conflict between the urban coastal mentality and that of the north-west, and the connection to the land itself.

Podcast

Ross Douthats: Interesting Times

There are more conservative podcasts than there is time to listen to them all. But Ross Douthat's “Interesting Times” is worth the 45 minutes a week. His guests are mostly conservatives, some very well-known such as Peter Thiel and Vice President JD Vance, others increasingly well- known such as Oren Cass, or (for many of us) yet to be discovered such as publisher Jonathan Keeperman.

Book

Patrick Deneen: Why Liberalism Failed (2018)

In 2018, Deneen published what I still consider to be the sharpest conservative diagnosis of our times. In my view, it is essential reading. Oren Cass often sounds like an echo of Deneen.

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From the feeds of universities, think tanks, and the media.
11.01.2026
09.01.2026
The new threat? An imperial America
Politics

The new threat? An imperial America

The new threat? An imperial America 16 February 2026 — 1:00PM TO 2:00PM Anonymous (not verified) 9 January 2026 Chatham House and Online What President Trump’s foreign policy means for Europe, Russia and China. The implications of President Trump’s foreign policy means for Europe, Russia and China. President Trump’s second presidency poses a stark question: has the United States shifted from a reluctant hegemon to something resembling an imperial power?The administration’s foreign policy is characterised by transactional deal-making, disregard for international norms, indifference to traditional allies, and a willingness to use hard military power. The operation to capture Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro brought these tendencies into sharp focus. For Europe, the implications are profound. This shift threatens not only the future of NATO and the European defence architecture that the United States underpins, but also raises direct concerns about territorial integrity, given explicit threats to annex Greenland, part of NATO ally Denmark.The Maduro operation underscored the administration’s readiness to deploy US forces to achieve foreign policy objectives. All loosely aligned around a hemispheric vision in which Washington dominates the Western Hemisphere. Countries outside Trump’s preferred orbit can not rely on American intervention. Those within it are proceeding with caution.For Russia and China, this posture presents both risks and opportunities. Moscow faces an unpredictable United States focused on leverage, seeking grand bargains backed by military power. Beijing, meanwhile, confronts a more openly confrontational America, prepared to weaponise tariffs, technology controls, and security partnerships across the Indo-Pacific.The result is a more brittle international order—one in which power is exercised bluntly, alliances are strained, and the risk of miscalculation steadily increases. A doctrine of ‘might makes right’.

Chatham House

07.01.2026
05.01.2026
04.01.2026
The US capture of President Nicolás Maduro – and attacks on Venezuela – have no justification in international law
Politics

The US capture of President Nicolás Maduro – and attacks on Venezuela – have no justification in international law

The US capture of President Nicolás Maduro – and attacks on Venezuela – have no justification in international law Expert comment jon.wallace 4 January 2026 This may be the moment when Western Europe realizes that the US has abandoned the core values that united them for the past century, writes the head of Chatham House’s International Law Programme. The capture of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his wife by US forces operating in Venezuela, and his forced transfer to the US for trial, poses a significant challenge for international law. The US has described the operation as a judicial ‘extraction mission’ undertaken by law enforcement operatives supported by the military. Yet this was a military operation of considerable scale, involving strikes on military targets in and around Caracas, the capital, and the forcible abduction of a sitting president by US special forces. It is clearly a significant violation of Venezuelan sovereignty and the UN Charter. This fact is compounded by President Donald Trump’s announcement during his press conference of 3 January that the US will ‘run’ Venezuela and administer a political transition, or regime change, under the threat of further, more massive uses of force. In addition, there seems to be a determination to use the threat of force to extract funds and resources in compensation for supposed ‘stolen’ or nationalized US assets and oil. Justifications are hard to seeIt is difficult to conceive of possible legal justifications for transporting Maduro to the US, or for the attacks. There is no UN Security Council mandate that might authorize force. Clearly, this was not an instance of a US act of self-defence triggered by a prior or ongoing armed attack by Venezuela.  The White House asserts that it is defending the American people from the devastating consequences of the illegal importation of drugs by ‘narco-terrorists’ – consequences that could be compared to an armed attack against the US. However, in international law, only a kinetic assault with military or similar means qualifies as a trigger for self-defence.‘Restoring democracy’This leaves the argument of pro-democratic intervention. Notably, the US did not use pro-democratic action as a formal legal justification when it invaded Grenada in 1983 and displaced its communist-leaning government. Neither did it do so when it invaded Panama in 1989 and captured President Manuel A. Noriega, with a view to putting him on trial for drugs offenses.Washington avoided doing so because it feared creating a precedent that would justify pro-democratic interventions by other countries which it might oppose. Instead, it relied on an unconvincing claim to self-defence.In the case of Venezuela, the US alleges that Maduro stole the presidential poll of 2024, that opposition candidate Edmundo Gonzales Urrutia was the true victor, and that Venezuelan authorities falsified the result of 2025’s parliamentary elections. While this is disputed, there is little doubt that the electoral process was deeply flawed.  Related work US to ‘run’ Venezuela after Maduro captured, says Trump: Early analysis from Chatham House experts In 1948 the UN Declaration on Human Rights first enunciated the doctrine that the authority of a government must be based in the will of its people. But in classical international practice, those who exercise effective control over a country’s population and territory will be treated as the government. Considerations of legal or political legitimacy matter less. Accordingly, most governments have abandoned the practice of formally recognizing newly established governments, however they come to power. If they are effective, they are the government. However, in the 1990s, with the end of the Cold War, the doctrine articulated by the UN Declaration on Human Rights gained in currency.In 1990, Jean-Bertrand Aristide was elected President of Haiti. But he was soon displaced in a coup mounted by a military junta. In 1994, after many failed diplomatic attempts to restore the democratic outcome of the elections, the UN Security Council formally authorized a US-led force to facilitate the departure of the generals. Faced with the imminent US invasion, they gave in and power was restored to Aristide.Since then, a whole clutch of coups in Africa were opposed by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and its successor the African Union (AU), or sub-regional organizations. In several instances, these organizations authorized the use of force to restore democracy. Most recently, force was used to overturn the attempted coup in Benin last December with the backing of regional organizations.African institutions and governments have also used sanctions and threats of force, where an incumbent government refused to hand over power after having lost elections. However, these instances generally required a formal election result.This doctrine cannot be invoked in cases of creeping authoritarianism or in response to claims that elections have not been free and fair. It only applies in cases of counter-constitutional coups or where there is an election result that remains unimplemented by a sitting government. The doctrine is generally only applied where the UN Security Council, or at least a credible regional organization, has granted a mandate – to avoid individual states seeking regime change in pursuit of their own agendas. Clearly, in this instance, there was no mandate from the UN or the Organization of American States.The apparent wish of the US government to work through the former Vice President of the Maduro government, Delcy Rodriguez, and her cabinet and officials, rather than putting in place those who are broadly believed to have won the elections of 2024/5, undermines any argument of pro-democratic intervention.US courtsMr Maduro and his wife will find little comfort in the fact that they were removed from Venezuela by way of an internationally unlawful intervention. US courts consistently apply the so-called Ker-Frisbie doctrine, which holds that they will exercise jurisdiction, irrespective of the means by which the body of the defendant was procured for trial.The US will also refuse to extend Maduro the immunities that automatically apply to a serving president when travelling abroad. This too, is legally controversial. But as Noriega experienced before him, the US authorities are unlikely to be deterred by this fact.

Chatham House

31.12.2025
22.12.2025